Comparison between two political papers the federalist no 10 by james madison and the tyranny of the
They all belonged to "different classes" that were "actuated by different sentiments and views," Madison insists Dawsonp. Nor, in many cases, can such an adjustment be made at all without taking into view indirect and remote considerations, which will rarely prevail over the immediate interest which one party may find in disregarding the rights of another or the good of the whole.
Federalist paper 10 summary
If the impulse and the opportunity be suffered to coincide, we well know that neither moral nor religious motives can be relied on as an adequate control. Hume's work was admirably adapted to this purpose. Besides other impediments, it may be remarked that, where there is a consciousness of unjust or dishonorable purposes, communication is always checked by distrust in proportion to the number whose concurrence is necessary. It must be confessed that in this, as in most other cases, there is a mean, on both sides of which inconveniences will be found to lie. Does the advantage consist in the substitution of representatives whose enlightened views and virtuous sentiments render them superior to local prejudices and schemes of injustice? Unlike Madison, Henry and Lee appreciated the value of more locally-controlled governments which afforded easy access to representatives, and more democratic forms of representation. At the outset of his study, Beard makes his point when he writes that Madison provided "a masterly statement of the theory of economic determinism in politics" Beard , p. Nor, in many cases, can such an adjustment be made at all without taking into view indirect and remote considerations, which will rarely prevail over the immediate interest which one party may find in disregarding the rights of another or the good of the whole. Unless the Supreme Court reinterprets the First Amendment, allowing the government to require sites like Twitter and Facebook to suppress polarizing speech that falls short of intentional incitement to violence—an ill-advised and, at the moment, thankfully unlikely prospect—any efforts to encourage deliberation on those platforms will have to come from the platforms themselves.
Justice is the end of government. Both supporters and opponents of the plan are concerned with the political instability produced by rival factions. Lee notes: "A constitution is now presented, which we may reject, or which we may accept, with or without amendments.
In federalist 10 james madison argued that
This policy of supplying, by opposite and rival interests, the defect of better motives, might be traced through the whole system of human affairs, private as well as public. The protection of these faculties is the first object of government. Let me add that it is the great desideratum by which this form of government can be rescued from the opprobrium under which it has so long labored, and be recommended to the esteem and adoption of mankind. Madison concludes that the damage caused by faction can be limited only by controlling its effects. Ultimately, "the most common and durable source of factions has been the various and unequal distribution of property," Madison argues Dawson , p. The regulation of these various and interfering interests forms the principal task of modern legislation, and involves the spirit of party and faction in the necessary and ordinary operations of the government. The further division of power between the federal and state governments would ensure that none of the three branches of government could claim that it alone represented the people. The effect of the first difference is, on the one hand, to refine and enlarge the public views, by passing them through the medium of a chosen body of citizens, whose wisdom may best discern the true interest of their country, and whose patriotism and love of justice will be least likely to sacrifice it to temporary or partial considerations. Every shilling with which they overburden the inferior number, is a shilling saved to their own pockets. There are but two methods of providing against this evil: the one by creating a will in the community independent of the majority that is, of the society itself; the other, by comprehending in the society so many separate descriptions of citizens as will render an unjust combination of a majority of the whole very improbable, if not impracticable. It is a question to which the creditors are parties on one side and the debtors on the other.
The kind where a small cadre of powerful men destroy the allegedly excessive liberties of the people: Revolutions like this have happened in almost every country in Europe: Similar examples are to be found in ancient Greece and ancient Rome: Instances of the people losing their liberty by their carelessness and the ambition of a few.
Like Lee, Henry took exception to the new federal plan in which only a tiny number of representatives from each state would be allowed in Congress, allegedly as direct representatives of the people.
George Hopkins' edition revealed that Madison, Hamilton, and Jay were the authors of the series, with two later printings dividing the work by author.
Federalist 10 quotes
There are two methods of curing the mischiefs of faction: the one, by removing its causes; the other, by controlling its effects. Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. If the impulse and the opportunity be suffered to coincide, we well know that neither moral nor religious motives can be relied on as an adequate control. It will be found, indeed, on a candid review of our situation, that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operation of our governments; but it will be found, at the same time, that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes; and, particularly, for that prevailing and increasing distrust of public engagements, and alarm for private rights, which are echoed from one end of the continent to the other. The causes of factions are thus part of the nature of man and we must deal with their effects and accept their existence. Justice ought to hold the balance between them. In , James Gideon published a third edition containing corrections by Madison, who by that time had completed his two terms as President of the United States. The instability, injustice, and confusion introduced into the public councils, have, in truth, been the mortal diseases under which popular governments have everywhere perished; as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics from which the adversaries to liberty derive their most specious declamations. Whatever benefits the parties offered in the 19th and early 20th centuries, however, have long since disappeared.
Further, he argued that the large size of the country would actually make it more difficult for factions to gain control over others. In the s, at times, 50 percent of the lawmakers overlapped ideologically.
A landed interest, a manufacturing interest, a mercantile interest, a moneyed interest, with many lesser interests, grow up of necessity in civilized nations, and divide them into different classes, actuated by different sentiments and views.
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